APUSH Stuff
Hi everyone. I hope you are all enjoying the snow and finding a way to stay warm. For Christmas this year I am giving all my AP students not one, not two, but three gifts. Ho, Ho, Ho.
Gift #1: Read ch. 23 and take notes. Do not put much effort into the presidents and presidencies after Grant. Starting with the Hayes election, the presidents over the next twenty years are all very unremarkable. Pretty much you just have to know the following: they are fat, ugly, lazy, corrupt, and not very smart. Since part of this chapter covers Reconstruction stuff that we have already discussed, and part covers presidents that you don't need to worry about, this should be a fast chapter. Due Monday, Jan. 5th.
Gift #2: Read ch. 24 and take notes. This will take a little while, because it is lengthy and packed with important stuff. This is actually due on Tuesday, Jan 6th, but don't wait until Monday night to do this one.
Gift #3: The lusty DBQ. Click below for the essay prompt and documents. I would recommend that you do this first while the info is still fresh in your mind, and so that you don't have it hanging over your head. Follow these steps: 1) analyze the prompt to make sure you understand exactly what it is asking you to do, 2) prewrite ideas to support the prompt, 3) determine a thesis, 4) read the documents looking for docs that will support your thesis, 5) organize the docs and your prewrite, 6) begin writing. Since you are doing this at home, you may use outside sources to help you with outside info if you wish. DO NOT PLAGIARIZE anything from the internet.
If you have any questions, email me at jrettmann@hotmail.com
After loading the DBQ below, I have learned that the documents that are graphics would not load. Here is a description of them. If you really want the actual document, email me and I will send it to you as an attachment: Document F: a map of the U.S. showing which states voted for Hayes and which state voted for Tilden in the 1876 election. It is titled "The Hayes-Tilden Disputed Election". Document H is titled "Military Reconstruction". It is a map of the South showing the five military districts. Document J is a political cartoon by Thomas Nast that says "Tilden or Blood". It shows a stack of newspapers that are talking about he possibility of another Civil War if Tilden is not given the presidency. On top of the papers is a pistol. A hand is grasping the pistol. Another hand…..forget it, it is hard to explain.
| Unit 4 DBQ |
| It is clear that all the lives that were lost in the American Civil War to insure a 'new birth of freedom' were in vain. By 1880, the South had defeated the weak Northern efforts in behalf of the freedmen and had re-enslaved African Americans. Assess the validity of this statement using the documents and your knowledge of US History. |
| DOCUMENT A |
| AMENDMENT XIII (1865.) Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. |
| DOCUMENT B |
| AMENDMENT XIV (1868.) All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. |
| DOCUMENT C |
| AMENDMENT XV (1870.) Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. |
| DOCUMENT D |
| The sweeping revolution of the entire labor system of a large portion of our country and the advance of 4,000,000 people from a condition of servitude to that of citizenship, upon an equal footing with their former masters, could not occur without presenting problems of the gravest moment, to be dealt with by the emancipated race, by their former masters, and by the General Government, the author of the act of emancipation. That it was a wise, just, and providential act, fraught with good for all concerned, is not generally conceded throughout the country. That a moral obligation rests upon the National Government to employ its constitutional power and influence to establish the rights of the people it has emancipated, and to protect them in the enjoyment of those rights when they are infringed or assailed, is also generally admitted. . . . . I am sincerely anxious to use every legitimate influence in favor of honest and efficient local self-government. But at the basis of all prosperity, for that as well as for every other part of the country, lies the improvement of the intellectual and moral condition of the people. Universal suffrage should rest upon universal education. To this end, liberal and permanent provision should be made for the support of free schools by the State governments, and, if need be, supplemented by legitimate aid from national authority. |
| Rutherford B. Hayes, Inaugural Address, March 5, 1877. |
| DOCUMENT E |
| Lacking capital, and with little to offer but their labor, thousands of impoverished former slaves slipped into the status of sharecropper farmers, as did many landless whites. Luckless sharecroppers gradually sank into a morass of virtual peonage and remained there for generations. Formerly slaves to masters, countless blacks as well as poorer whites in effect became slaves to the soil and to their creditors. Yet the dethroned planter aristocracy resented even this pitiful concession to freedom. Sharecropping was the "wrong policy," said one planter. "It makes the laborer too independent; he becomes a partner, and has a right to be consulted. |
| Thomas A. Bailey, The American Pageant. |
| DOCUMENT F |
| DOCUMENT G |
| Among the first acts of the new Southern regimes sanctioned by Johnson was the passage of the iron-toothed Black Codes…The crushed Cotton Kingdom could not rise from its weeds until the fields were once again put under hoe and plow–and many whites feared that black field hands and plow drivers would not work unless forced to do so. Severe penalties were therefore imposed by the codes on blacks who "jumped" their labor contracts, which usually committed them to work for the same employer for one year, and generally at pittance wages…. The codes also sought to restore as nearly as possible the pre-emancipation system of race relations. Freedom was legally recognized, as were some other privileges, such as the right to marry. But all the codes forbade a black to serve on a jury; some even barred blacks from renting or leasing land. A black could be punished for "idleness" by being sentenced to work on a chain gang. Nowhere were blacks allowed to vote. |
| Ken Stampp, The Era of Reconstruction. |
| DOCUMENT H |
| DOCUMENT I |
| The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. |
| Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, Harvard Classics (1910), Vol.43, Pg.441. |
| DOCUMENT J |
| DOCUMENT K |
| Let there be White Leagues formed in every town, village and hamlet of the South, and let us organize for the great struggle which seems inevitable. If the October elections which are to be held at the North are favorable to the radicals, the time will have arrived for us to prepare for the very worst. The radicalism of the republican party must be met by the radicalism of white men. We have no war to make against the United States Government, but against the republican party our hate must be unquenchable, our war interminable and merciless. Fast fleeting away is the day of wordy protests and idle appeals to the magnanimity of the republican party. By brute force they are endeavoring to force us into acquiescence to their hideous programme. We have submitted long enough to indignities, and it is time to meet brute-force with brute-force. Every Southern State should swarm with White Leagues, and we should stand ready to act the moment Grant signs the civil-rights bill. It will not do to wait till radicalism has fettered us to the car of social equality before we make an effort to resist it. |
| Atlanta News, September 10, 1874. |